Syria expert Nir Boms on Israel's view of its neighbour, the motives behind the attack on Damascus – and what's at stake for both countries.
zenith: What's behind Israel's attack on the Presidential Palace and the Military Headquarters in Damascus in mid-July?
Nir Boms: That is connected to the militias that were already wreaking havoc in March and May, and now again in Suweida. They targeted minorities and imposed their dress codes on women. Israel has declared that it will support Ahmad Al-Sharaa in implementing an inclusive system – and will also act if it believes that the agreements reached are not being adhered to. And from Israel’s perspective, this point has obviously been reached.
What strategic goal is Israel pursuing in Syria?
Israel has emphasized that the issue of minorities, in the broader context, is an indicator of the direction Syria is taking. None of these official Israeli positions have fundamentally changed. In terms of security policy, the aim is to prevent weapons in the south from moving closer to its own borders and becoming a potential threat to Israel.
What is at stake for Israel in the long term?
Israel has declared that it wants to change the trajectory of relations with Syria. Officially, it hopes that the new Syrian government will implement its vision of a country that respects its minorities and does not rely on violence. If Syria becomes more like Gaza, things will become more difficult for Israel: Instead of building good neighbourly relations – as we have initiated in recent months – we risk paving the way for a more militant discourse. Fundamentally, it is in Israel’s interest to support Ahmad Al-Sharaa's vision of an inclusive Syria and to cooperate with Syria in the future. That’s why I don’t believe escalation is the goal here.
ՙWe don’t want Syria to develop in a direction that Lebanon once did՚
Isn’t Israel exacerbating the situation in Syria through its military intervention?
That depends on whom you ask. Israel responded to the massacres committed by jihadist militias in Suweida in recent days, with the backing of the Syrian Ministry of Defense. Of course, these atrocities concern Israel because the victims are members of the Druze minority – and often also relatives of Israeli Druze.
How has this military operation been perceived in Israel?
Of course, this is a big issue in Israel. The Druze minority is demanding further measures. Some politicians are even discussing another regime change. I think we need to de-escalate here as well. In general, Israel had hoped that the instability that became apparent in March after the massacres on the Syrian coast and then in June during the unrest in Jaramana would not spread. We want a Syria that has a future and that we can trade with. I think that’s still possible. But I think it’s important that the radical elements are weakened, on all sides. Because I know many Syrians who are friends, allies, and partners for a better future.
Does the military operation in Syria also serve the purpose of distracting from the situation in Gaza?
Fundamentally, Gaza plays a role here as well. However, the situation in Syria is not one that Israel created; it is one to which it had to react. Israel felt compelled to act because agreements on the ground were being broken, further increasing destabilization and bringing it closer to our borders. I won’t claim to agree with every aspect of Israeli policy. In fact, just recently, I was speaking with a Syrian friend in the Knesset about the potential for a different reality in the region. Two days later, unfortunately, things look different again.
To what extent was the US involved in this military operation, and how did it fit into the diplomatic rapprochement with the Syrian interim government?
I don’t think the Americans were involved. Let’s take a closer look. We’re talking about a very complex, yet localized theatre, which doesn’t change the fundamental parameters: de-escalation and calming the situation in southern Syria. I don’t believe Israel is interested in fragmentation. We support President Ahmad Al-Sharaa’s call for a unified military under a single leadership that holds the sole monopoly on the use of force. We don’t want Syria to develop in a direction that Lebanon once did. But that will only work if state institutions like the Ministry of Defense offer protection to all Syrians and stop protecting Islamist militias.
Nir Boms is a research fellow at the Moshe Dayan Center at Tel Aviv University. He chairs the Syria Research Forum and the Gulf Israel Policy Forum.
