ՙThe Netanyahu government tries to prevent any independent verification of facts՚

zenith: Why were the Europeans so passive before October 7 and how can they now play a constructive role?

Josep Borrell: It is true that the focus of European policy makers was elsewhere than the Middle East peace process over the previous decade. many in the EU believed it was not a priority to address the Palestinian issue arguing that the Abraham Accords had achieved normalisation of several important Arab countries with Israel. Many were not willing to actively engage. This is precisely what I sought to change when I took over as HRVP in 2019. I embarked on an initiative to bring the two-state solution back on the international agenda. I decided to reappoint an EU Special Representative for the Middle East Peace Process, a position currently held by Sven Koopmans. At the time, some were saying that the Middle East had never been so quiet, but I could cautioned against what I saw as a dangerous illusion, i.a. in an op-ed published on 5 October 2023 in several papers entitled “Thirty Years After Oslo – We Must Not Give Up on Middle East Peace”. Little did we know that this warning would materialise so quickly and in such a horrific way. When the 7 October terrorist attack happened, the EU was united in condemning it in the strongest possible terms; but we were not united enough to play a decisive role in its aftermath.

How can they play a constructive role now?

Looking ahead, the Europeans can play a very important role in Middle East peace-making – provided they are united. Since our Common Foreign and Security Policy is based on consensus, and since the Middle East conflict is one of the most divisive issues of our time, it has not always been possible to find consensus among all 27 Member States, as you can imagine. Each Member State’s position is shaped both by internal party politics and by its own historic experience, which differ widely. While Ireland, for example, sees its own history reflected in the fate of the Palestinians, Germany regards it as part of its ‘raison d’État’, Staatsraison, to prioritise Israel’s security. This said, the EU has had a common position on the two-state solution since the Venice Declaration of 1980. Later we even developed more detailed parameters on what this two-state solution should look like – based on the firm commitment to international law enshrined in our Treaties. During the last UNGA week in September in New York, I took part in the launch, together with Norway and Saudi Arabia, of the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution, which almost 90 countries and international organisations have joined so far.

Which European countries have supported you and who has disappointed you? And how did you deal with them?

I would hope that all EU MS have supported me in trying to build a common foreign and security policy in the Middle East. As High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, my role is both to implement the consensus policy of all 27 MS and to develop it by my proposals. Over the course of my mandate, I have made numerous proposals regarding the Middle East: from joint positions to military operations like ASPIDES, protecting ships in the Red Sea, or reactivating EUBAM Rafah on the Egyptian-Gaza border – unfortunately still pending. I also proposed ‘restrictive measures’, meaning sanctions, against Iran’s missile programme, against Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, against violent Israeli settlers, and so on. Most of these proposals were supported by all Member States. Some were not. Building a common foreign policy around one of the most polarising political issues of our time was, without a doubt, one of the biggest challenges of my mandate.

What is the goal of the EuroMed Civil Society Conference, which took place in late October 2024 under the title "Reclaiming Our Shared Humanity" in Barcelona?

The aim of this conference was, as the title suggests to “reclaim” our shared sense of humanity because, we see a widespread lack of empathy for the pain of the other. When you look at the extreme polarisation that made it challenging to build a common foreign policy, this is reflected within and between our societies – and often much more intensely, especially in social media, you find vitriol and dehumanisation of the ‘other’ everywhere – not to mention the horrors happening on the ground since 7 October 2023, in Southern Israel, then in Gaza, now in Lebanon as well. As I have said, one horror cannot justify another. The event in Barcelona was not about the conflict itself, but rather about the effects it is having on our societies across the Euro-Mediterranean region. The participants came from all Mediterranean and European countries, also from Israel and Palestine. The idea was first to recognise each other’s humanity, with all their suffering and fears, but also their hopes and aspirations – and to discuss how to tackle the problem of increasing polarisation, dehumanisation, and radicalisation we are seeing. Given the horrible reports and images coming out of Northern Gaza, and the whole situation on the ground, this was not always easy.

How can civil society contribute to addressing urgent political questions?

I would highlight three main takeaways from the conference: First, we are not seeing the same reality anymore. This is a problem that has worsened dramatically in this crisis. Much of it has to do with the algorithms that filter what we see, based on what we already believe, some with deliberate omission, and some of it with outright disinformation. I see a responsibility with media corporations and with regulators to address this problem without infringing on our freedoms. A common basis of facts is fundamental for constructive debate. Second, as I said in the closing address, we all have to ask ourselves: where did we get off track? How did we lose our shared sense of humanity that we see so many innocent people killed, and we even see people celebrating it? We saw it on 7 October in the streets of Gaza and we have been seeing it for many months on the Israeli side of the border, people watching other people getting killed and rejoicing, people blocking and destroying humanitarian aid for a starving population. There is something profoundly disturbing about all this. Third, when dealing with conflict-driven polarisation and hate speech, we need to look at both sides, whether it is hostility towards Jews, Israelis, Muslims, Arabs, or Palestinians. This does not mean that the problems are identical – on the contrary, we may find many differences. It’s about looking at the full picture. And it’s also about not reinforcing the already existing polarisation by having a partial view instead of a 360-degree perspective.

Former Israeli Foreign Minister (now Defence Minister) Israel Katz has accused you of antisemitism.  What do you think about that?

I do not want to say “who hasn’t been accused of antisemitism by the Foreign Minister Katz?” because this is a very serious issue. Antisemitism led to the Shoa, the mass murder of 6 million European Jews by the nazis. We must never take accusations of antisemitism lightly. When the UNSG, the prosecutors of the International Criminal Court, the judges of the International Court of Justice, or leaders of many countries, including some EU Member States, etc. are accused of antisemitism, this should be a reason for all of us to be alarmed. If they were all indeed antisemites, this would be intolerable. If they are not, this means that someone is abusing and degrading a very serious accusation. Crying wolf where there is none is not a trivial matter, especially in a situation where we do see a real rise in hostility towards Jews, as well as against Muslims and Arabs, around the world.

So it does not affect you personally?

As for myself, the accusation is beyond grotesque. When I went to volunteer in kibbutz Gal On (near Kiryat Gat) in 1969, this felt almost like an act of rebellion during the Franco years. It was not until the first socialist Prime Minister Felipe González that Spain established diplomatic relations with Israel in 1986. The day before the 7 October terrorist attack, I was in Kyiv visiting the synagogue at the Babi Yar memorial, where 35,000 Jews were brutally slaughtered by the nazis during World War II. When I arrived back home, another horror had just started. I have to acknowledge that Israeli politics – and policies – have changed quite a bit since my days in the kibbutz. Pointing this out and criticising a government’s policies does not at all mean being against the people of that country. It does not make me anti-Israel, and certainly not antisemitic. Such false accusations say more about the accusers than about those they target.

Given the current situation in Gaza, with almost no journalists on the ground, how can we improve the flow of information? Since external journalists can only enter with the Israeli military, independent reporting is almost impossible.

Indeed, it is the longest blackout ever imposed by a democracy. When more journalists are killed than in any other armed conflict, reportedly 188 local journalists as we speak, this is a reason to be alarmed – not to forget hundreds of UN staff and humanitarian workers. When a government, like the Netanyahu government, tries to prevent any form of independent verification of facts, by barring international journalists for over a year and by refusing to cooperate with prosecutors of the International Criminal Court and UN-mandated investigators, in defiance of legally binding orders of the International Court of Justice, this should make us all very suspicious of what is happening there.

What steps do you intend to take?

Preventing independent verification is not a trivial offense. The ICJ orders for provisional measures mention the obligation not to obstruct investigation and to preserve evidence. In criminal law, a reasonable suspicion of obfuscation of evidence can be sufficient grounds for preventive detention.The situation was exacerbated when the IDF cut off Northern Gaza from mobile communication two weeks ago. For a few days, all that came out of this area were the images and footage posted by the Israeli military or by individual soldiers on social media. It is short-sighted to think that preventing international journalists and investigators from entering can prevent the truth from coming out.

How can the EU and Arab states work together to find a solution? How does the solution for Gaza look like?

We have been working together for peace in the region with our Arab partners for a long time and have intensified our cooperation. I have said many times before that we have been talking about the two-state solution for more than 30 years, and we need to get serious about implementing it. Since the Netanyahu government and a majority in the Knesset now openly reject the two-state solution, they have to say what their alternative is. They are not saying it, but they are implementing it on the ground. Their actions speak for themselves. If we are serious about the EU’s long-standing commitment to Middle East peace and to the two-state solution position, we have to keep working towards it. The working groups of the Global Alliance just had their first meeting in Riyadh last week. It will be for the incoming EU leadership to keep up the momentum.

What does this path look like in practice?

Regarding Gaza, it is part of the Palestinian territory and has to be included in these efforts, of course. The EU stands ready to engage in reconstruction efforts and to facilitate Palestinian-led governance under the same Palestinian Authority, which will not be Hamas. The PA will need international support, which the EU is already providing and ready to step up. But it is also important for them to implement some serious reforms in order to be able to deliver services to Palestinians in both the West Bank and Gaza more efficiently. Last but not least – or rather: first and foremost – Gaza needs a ceasefire. The war has to end. Millions of civilians in Gaza cannot wait any longer, nor can the more than 100 Israeli hostages. They have to be released, and the starving population has to receive sufficient aid. The unbearable human suffering must end now. Then we need to engage seriously on achieving a political solution. Without it, the cycle of violence will never end, and no one who truly supports and cares about Israelis or Palestinians can want this.

Josep Borrell, (77), is a Spanish politician and has been High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy since 2019. His mandate ends on November 30, 2024.